International Congress of Onomastic Sciences, ICOS XXIII
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Item Open Access St. Benedict of San Fratello (Messina, Sicily): An Afro-Sicilian Hagionym on Three Continents(York University, 2009) Dell’Aira, AlessandroBenedetto Manasseri da San Fratello (Messina, Sicily) became the first black canonical saint in 1807. The Sicilian-born son of African parents (1524), was first a hermit, and then a lay friar of the reformed minor order of St. Francis of Assisi. He died in Palermo in 1589. From the beginning of the 17th century his name and cult was connected in Brazil to the Catholic Rosary, together with the name and cult of three other black “saints”: Elesbão/Elisbão (from Abyssinia), Efigênia/Ifigênia (from Nubia), Antônio de Noto/Categeró (an African hermit who died in 1550 in Sicily, as Benedict did). It would be interesting to discuss the development of the four names in the Portuguese of Portugal and in the Portuguese of Brazil. The subject of my paper is the different forms of the names of the first hagionyms on three Continents, Europe, Africa and America: Benedetto da San Fratello (Italy), Benito de Palermo (Spain and Spanish speaking countries in America), Benedito/ Bento (Portugal, Brazil, Angola), and Bieito (Galicia). It is very interesting to notice the Portuguese development from Bento to Benedito in the first half of the 17th century, and the influence of this change on the names of popes in Portuguese, including our present Pope, Benedict XVI.Item Open Access The Functions of (In)definiteness Markers with Proper Names(York University, 2009) Van Langendonck, Willy; Van de Velde, MarkCrosslinguistically, we observe various onymic functions of the definite article that hardly occur in appellatives (common nouns). Since names are inherently definite, languages can ‘play’ with the redundant overt definite articles accompanying unmodified names. They might be absent; they may be generalized to all proprial classes; they may have a classificatory function where articulated names alternate with articleless names. Thus, in Western European languages, we have an anthropocentric hierarchy ranging from highly animate, i.e., human or humanized (settlement or country) names, with a ‘zero’ article ('John', 'Mary'; 'London', 'England'), to inanimate names, often accompanied by an overt article ('the Thames', 'the Highlands'). Typically, when regions become genuine states, they lose their overt article: '(the) Ukraine'. In such languages, a possible ‘de-humanizing’ use can spill over to personal names, as in certain Flemish dialects, where the forename 'de Jan' (the John) is an augmentative variant of 'Jan', just as 'de Limburg' is an augmentative variant of the province name 'Limburg'. If such a use becomes more frequent, as in German forenames ('der Johann'), the augmentative force is reduced to mere familiarity. This familiarity may manifest itself as a positive connotation, as in Italian 'il Petrarca', 'la Callas'. Special forms can occur, as in Catalan 'en Joan' (the John). Even the indefinite article may adopt an emotive use in personal names ("A devastated Claes entered the court-room"). Additional crosslinguistic data will be provided.Item Open Access Human Evaluation in Russian Appellative Anthroponymy (on Zauralye Archival Sources of the 16th–19th Centuries)(York University, 2009) Parfenova, Nina; Savinykh, ValentinaThis paper deals with research on Russian anthroponyms using an analysis based on the linguocultural concept of “human evaluation”. The original handwritten records created in the Zauralye territory during the 16th–19th centuries were used as documentary sources. The Russian people’s mentality during this particular period of development was reflected in these anthroponyms, as were the perception of the world and the reflection of Russian inner life during the 16th–19th centuries. Nowadays interest in this particular topic has increased: Russians are trying to discover their origins and history, while foreigners attempt to learn “the secrets of the Russian soul.” Appellative anthroponyms are a large group of names that express an emotional evaluation of a human being. At the moment of naming, nicknames performed a characterizing function, they named a person and evaluated a person’s personality on the basis of the most obvious distinguishing features. Later on, family names, derived from nicknames, became non-semantic and began to carry out only the identification function typical for a proper name. Nicknames, and Russian family names derived from them, fixed the evaluation of different human qualities and characteristics: emotionality, open display of feelings, extroversion, talkativeness, collectivism, superstition and a belief in fate. The cultural component of proper names is indirectly reflected in the semantics of appellative anthroponyms and provides an opportunity to understand the history of Russian culture and the psychology and mentality of Russians.Item Open Access Changes in Naming Patterns in 19th Century Estonia. Discarding the Names of Parents and Godparents(York University, 2009) Hussar, AnnikaThere were extensive changes in names and naming patterns during the 19th century. In Estonia, in addition to other significant changes, the names chosen for children were less and less influenced by the surrounding community. In other countries, the practice of giving children their godparents’ name has been researched by Smith-Bannister (1997); Garðarsdóttir (1999); Hacker (1999); Sangoï (1999); and van Poppel, Bloothooft, Gerritzen, and Verduin (1999). Social relationships played a far bigger role in the city than in the rural areas; thus the tradition of giving children their godparents’ names was preserved better in the cities. The parents’ choice was not regulated by the Lutheran church either. In Estonia, the practice of giving children double names spread only at the end of the 19th century; thus the emergence of modern names removed the names of the parents, grandparents and godparents from usage, especially in the case of girls’ names.Item Open Access First Names of Fictional Characters in Novels by Charlotte Bronte(York University, 2009) Barry, Herbert IIIThe first name is a distinctive personal label. It usually distinguishes oneself from other family members and from most other people. In common with other novelists, Charlotte Bronte chose for many fictional characters the first name of an actual person who was important to her. Attributes of the fictional character might provide useful information on feelings of the author toward the actual namesake. An unusual attribute of the four novels by Charlotte Bronte is that the author revealed an actual person who was the model for more than two dozen fictional characters. Experiences of the author are reproduced by some of the fictional characters and by other aspects of the four successive novels, , , , and . In each novel, one of the most important characters partially resembles Charlotte Bronte. A very minor character named Charlotte, in , is the only fictional namesake of the author. Most of the actions and events in and in are in Brussels, Belgium. In that foreign city, Charlotte Bronte was a student and then teacher at a school for young ladies. She fell in love with a teacher who was the husband of the school’s director.Item Open Access New Names for Municipalities Merging from Two or More Villages or Towns(York University, 2009) Reinsma, RiemerFor some decades many villages in the Netherlands have been merging into new municipalities. These new entities need a new name. The central assumption in this contribution is that every participating village or town will try to get its name accepted as (part of) the new name. By means of several examples some factors will be demonstrated which can play a part in the process of establishing a new name, like differences in the size of the population of the participants, differences in age, or their place in alphabetical order. Attention will be paid to two types of new names that are chosen. The simplest solution is maintaining the name of one or more of the participants, but there is an important restriction: the new name should not be too long, and can do right only by few participants. An increasingly popular method is choosing a wholly new name, often referring to some shared geographic or historical feature, like a river, a castle or a hillcrest. This method has the advantage that none of the participants loses face.Item Open Access Greetings(York University, 2009) Arcamone, Maria GiovannaItem Open Access Modifications phonétiques et morphologiques affectant les toponymes et les anthroponymes d’origine scandinave lors de leur introduction en français(York University, 2009) Laîné, StéphaneLa particularité linguistique de la région française nommée Normandie tient au fait qu’elle a connu lors des IXe–Xe siècles de notre ère une invasion d’origine scandinave qui a profondément marqué son histoire. Si l’assimilation des envahisseurs par la population autochtone a été très rapide et si les Scandinaves ont, dès la deuxième génération, abandonné leur langue maternelle au profit de l’ancien français, l’empreinte laissée par la langue scandinave dans l’onomastique de la Normandie est très importante. Elle atteste même bien davantage la présence viking que les découvertes réalisées par l’archéologie. Toutefois, les anthroponymes et les toponymes scandinaves qui sont demeurés sur le territoire de l’ancienne Neustrie ont subi l’influence des locuteurs indigènes et des scribes chargés de les transcrire. Nous expliquerons ainsi que les termes qui comportaient un élément initial 'As-' ont vu l’apparition d’une consonne nasale 'n' certainement inspirée par les mots d’origine germanique: l’anthroponyme 'Asketill' est devenu 'Anquetil' et a produit les toponymes 'Ancteville' et 'Anctoville', 'Asfrid' est devenu 'Anfrey' et a produit 'Amfreville'… La diphtongue [au] s’est réduite à [o], comme dans le nom commun 'haug' qui est à l’origine des toponymes 'La Hogue' / 'La Hougue'. Certaines vocalisations ont eu lieu, à une époque où elles étaient en principe achevées en français, de même que certaines diphtongaisons… C’est un aperçu de ces différents phénomènes que nous nous proposons d’exposer.Item Open Access Gutmann und Bonhomme: Ein durchsichtiger, aber schwer zu deutender Name(York University, 2009) Kully, Rolf MaxDie meisten Interpreten der Flurnamen dt 'Gutmann' gehen von mittelhochdeutschen Bildungen wie 'guotliutehus' ‹Leproserium› und 'feldsiech' ‹Aussätziger› aus und schliessen daraus, dass das Kompositum 'guotman' ‹guter Mann› als Flurname den Aufenthaltsort eines aus der menschlichen Gemeinschaft ausgestossenen Leprakranken bedeuten müsse. Dieser Rückschluss aus einem Kollektiv– auf einen Individualbegriff ist unstatthaft und falsch. Stattdessen ergibt der Augenschein in unserem Untersuchungsgebiet, dass damit besonders markante Grenzsteine bezeichnet wurden. Im Französischen wird 'Bonhomme' seit Jahrhunderten für steinere Wegmarken in den Bergen verwendet, jedoch wurde auch in Frankreich die falsche Deutung aus dem Deutschen übernommen und verbreitet.Item Open Access Standardization of Swedish Place-Names Yesterday and Today(York University, 2009) Nilsson, LeifSince 2000, the Swedish Heritage Conservation Act (Swedish Kulturminneslagen) has included a section on ‘good place-name practice’, with an emphasis on the importance of preserving place-names as part of the nation’s cultural heritage. This marked the culmination of a trend that had been in progress for more than three decades. Around 1970 an animated debate on place-names began as a reaction to a parliamentary resolution to reorganize the Swedish real estate register, whereby a large number of Swedish village and farm names were in danger of disappearing from the register and the corresponding maps. Thanks to this debate, the decision was revised and the threat was averted. As a result, the scope of standardization of Swedish place-names was broadened from being an entirely linguistic task performed by place-name scholars to a question also of preserving and protecting place-names, and archaeologists and cultural historians became involved in the standardization process. My paper is a short summary of the early years and an account of the steps taken towards this new approach to standardization in Sweden, together with comments on the current legislation.Item Open Access The Destiny in the Name(York University, 2009) Piemonti, Anita– the novel by the 2000 Pulitzer Prize winner for fiction Jhumpa Lahiri – was made into a film in 2006. In Italy the movie was released – and enjoyed great success – in 2007 with the title (The Destiny in the Name), an interesting transformation of the original title. What most appeals to me is the concept of homonym of which the namesake is a particular case. This will be my starting point in examining instances in which names have played crucial roles in masterpieces of western artistic tradition, while revealing their ties to a wider multi-lingual, multi-cultural, multi-ethnic world. Three examples: 1) Gogol as a character name in Jhumpa Lahiri’s postcolonial novel; 2) Vittore Carpaccio created one of his best-known and most powerful paintings because of his misunderstanding of the name of a certain holy martyr in the famous cycle ; 3) in the opening lines of the tragedy by Gotthold Ephraim Lessing, a homonym is the device that provides the first hint of the Prince’s tyrannical character. Through such case studies I will consider the intriguing way in which homonyms have been used as a powerful discourse-shaping factor and rhetorical device and so push further the theoretical framework of the reflections on names in Ingeborg Bachmann’s essay (1959/1960).Item Open Access Traduction multilingue de toponymes en botanique(York University, 2009) Beaulieu, Marc-AlexandreEn raison de leur omniprésence dans la formation de noms de plantes, l’étude des toponymes nous permet de mieux comprendre la nomenclature botanique et ces derniers constituent des «points de repère» utiles pour identifier une plante. L’objet du présent projet de recherche porte sur la détermination d’indices de toponymie bilingue dans la nomenclature botanique. La détermination de tels indices permet d’évaluer le taux de traduction littérale de toponymes du latin vers le français, du latin vers l’anglais et du latin vers l’espagnol, et ce, dans un même pays partageant deux langues officielles (le Canada), et dans deux autres pays de cultures distinctes partageant toutefois la même langue (Mexique et Pérou). La détermination d’indices de toponymie bilingue permet de mieux cerner le processus de formation des noms botaniques en considérant le fait que les toponymes sont couramment utilisés en latin pour nommer des plantes.Item Open Access Functions of Usage of Urban Place Names(York University, 2009) Eskelinen, RiikkaThe following paper introduces various functions of urban place names by analyzing spoken data gathered from residents in the neighbourhood Kallio in Helsinki, Finland. The data consists of six group interviews, in which groups with two to six members answer questions concerning their home neighbourhood. I have studied various kinds of place names (both official and unofficial), which the inhabitants of Kallio use daily, in terms of how the age, range, and users of the names vary, and what types of images the inhabitants have about the names. On the basis of this, I introduce four functions of urban place names: the collective, practical, affective and informative functions. Besides the functions, I also studied another theme – that of the roles of the name users. To mention but a few, the roles include those of the name knower, name specialist, name giver and name learner.Item Open Access Some Challenges of Names Recognition: The Ontario Geographic Names Board, Canada, 2000–2007(York University, 2009) Kerfoot, HelenCanada was one of the first countries to establish a geographical names authority and has participated in the work of standardization at the United Nations since the first conference in 1967. Over the past forty years the approval of geographical names in Canada has been primarily the responsibility of the provinces and, for a shorter time, the territories. The names authority for the Province of Ontario, the Ontario Geographic Names Board (OGNB), comprises seven members (including representatives from Ontario First Nations, and the province’s English- and French-speaking communities). Between 2000 and 2007, the OGNB considered some 380 names submissions, recommending approximately 330 for official recognition and general dissemination. This paper looks at some of the main challenges to the Board during this period. Among the questions considered were issues relating to such themes as commemorative naming, urban community naming, and handling existing names considered derogatory. Sometimes bearing on the Board’s approaches to these issues were the need for names for emergency reference purposes (911 dialling), a sparse population in northern areas of the province to support local usage, and conflicting submissions to replace derogatory names. Issues, approaches, examples, and preliminary guidelines are presented.Item Open Access A Natural History of Proper Naming in the Context of Emerging Mass Production: The Case of British Railway Locomotives before 1846(York University, 2009) Coates, RichardThe early history of railway locomotives in Britain is marked by two striking facts. The first is that many were given proper names, even where there was no objective need to distinguish them in such a way. The second is that those names tended strongly to suggest essential attributes of the machines themselves, sometimes real as in the case of 'Puffing Billy', or metaphorical or mythologized as in the cases of 'Rocket' and 'Vulcan'. However when, before long, locomotives came to be produced to standard types, namegiving remained the norm for at least some types but the names themselves tended to be typed, and naturally in a less constrained way than earlier ones. The later onymic types veered sharply away from being literally or metaphorically descriptive. The sources of these second-order onymic types are of some interest, both culturally and anthropologically, and some types tended to be of very long currency in Britain. This paper explores the early history of namegiving in an underexplored area, and proposes a general model for the evolution of name-bestowal practices.Item Open Access Old Hungarian River Names in the Multilingual Carpathian Basin(York University, 2009) Győrffy, ErzsébetWhen analysing the etymological layers of Hungarian river names, it soon becomes clear that loan names make up a much larger group than in the group of settlement names, for instance. This fact can be due to the phenomenon that in the case of hydronyms, name-giving and name-usage is driven mainly by communicative needs, while other (e.g., socio-cultural or political) factors only rarely influence namegiving. In my paper, it is my aim to provide an etymological typology of Hungarian hydronyms from the Árpád-era, for this is the group among Hungarian hydronyms which can be dated the most precisely. The Árpád-era is a period stretching from the Hungarian conquest (896) to the end of the reign of the Árpád dynasty (1301). From a linguistic point of view, this period, somewhat extended, is termed the era of Old Hungarian. It seems to be justified to choose the Hungarian hydronyms of the Árpád-era as the corpus of my investigation, for the country was strongly multilingual and multiethnic at this period (Hungarian, Slavic, German, Turkish), which also had an effect on the system of water names. I explore the panchronic characteristics of name-giving by looking at elements of the Hungarian hydronymic system which come from different languages. Thus, it is the semantic content expressed in the individual names which is my focus, as they are based on human cognitive processes and as such are more or less universal. At the same time, I place a smaller emphasis on the description of language-specific name-formation processes.Item Open Access Multilingual Names on the Finnish Basic Map(York University, 2009) Leino, AnttiThe and the computerised maintained by the National Land Survey for map-making purposes have place names in five different languages: the official Finnish and Swedish, and three semi-official Sámi languages. As one would expect, distributions of the various languages overlap, and roughly one percent of the named places have names in more than one language. All five naming systems are similar enough that semantically transparent toponyms can be translated from one language to another. The three Sámi languages are also similar enough that virtually all common multilingual names are also common in each of their respective languages. This is also true for Finnish and Swedish, but the names common to Finnish and the Sámi languages often involve elements that have a more limited geographic distribution in Finnish. All this gives some insight into the underlying cultural interplay, and also into the role of semantic transparency in name use.Item Open Access La formation des prénoms ouzbeks(York University, 2009) Imomova, Bakhtigul; Begmatov, ErnstEn ouzbek, l’onymisation à base d’appellatifs et d’autres éléments non-onymiques est peu étudiée. Il y a deux manières de former les prénoms ouzbeks: la formation primaire et la formation secondaire. La formation primaire des prénoms est le passage de lexèmes non-onymiques à la catégorie des prénoms. Pour la plupart, les prénoms ouzbeks ont comme source les parties du discours suivantes: 1) des substantifs: 'Arslon' (tigre); 2) des adjectifs: 'Kora' (noir); 3) des adjectifs numéraux: 'Yetmiche' (soixante-dix); 4) des verbes et des formes verbales: 'Ergache' (accompagnant). Parfois les prénoms sont dérivés de toponymes: 'Tourkiston' (le Turkestan), parfois d’ethnonymes: 'Barlos', 'Dourmon'. La formation secondaire des prénoms ouzbeks est réalisée par les moyens suivants: 1) par abréviation, par exemple, 'Gaffor' < 'Abdou-gaffor', 'Mavlon' < 'Abdou-mavlon'; 2) par la contraction et d’autres déformations de prénoms existants: 'Mamat' < 'Moukhammad'; 3) par l’utilisation de certaines composantes anthroponymiques ('ali', par exemple 'Alicher'/ 'Cher-ali', 'toch', par exemple 'Toche-mourod') ou d’éléments honorifiques (fém. -'oï', par exemple 'Sarvar-oï'; masc. '-boï', par exemple 'Toursoun-boï').Item Open Access Agrarian Landscapes and the Toponymy of Mediterranean Europe. Catalonia as a Case Study(York University, 2009) Tort i Donada, JoanIn the countries of the European Mediterranean region (and, specifically, in the territories in which the Romance languages are spoken today), a significant part of the historical toponymy has close links with the rural world and its agrarian activities. This is no chance happening as the first extensive agrarian colonization of these countries was carried out under the Roman Empire. It was also under the rule of this Empire that the pagus was created and became widespread: a legal (and not just a linguistic) concept that referred to the land which was to be farmed and cultivated. And the vestiges of this concept remain visible today in features such as the landscape and the toponymy. In this paper, we wish to present the results of our examination of the links between the agrarian landscape and its toponymy at various points of the Iberian Peninsula. In so doing, we focus our study on a series of present-day place names in Catalonia, Aragon and Valencia. We analyse the features that these names have in common and the differences that they present. And, finally, we explain the general correlations that can be observed between these toponyms and certain landscape types or patterns.Item Open Access Empire and Names: The Case of Nagorno Karabakh(York University, 2009) Foster, BenjaminThe Nagorno Karabakh region in Western Azerbaijan has been the site of a bloody conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia since 1992. Both nations claim historic ties to the area as independent kingdoms or as autonomous vassal nations under larger empires. This paper will survey toponymic patterns in the 20th century of Nagorno Karabakh, under Soviet and post-Soviet rule. How did toponyms change in the 20th century? Has toponymic reality followed demographic reality? How did the Soviet toponymic system differ from previous imperial or national systems? Lastly, what does Karabakh’s toponymic history in the 20th century have to contribute to the discussion on the Soviets’ treatment of nationalism, and to the discussion on the ongoing tension over Karabakh? This paper will attempt to answer these questions by examining past and present maps, policy documents, and other textual sources to provide a toponymic history of Nagorno Karabakh. This history will help explain how the current toponymic landscape of Karabakh came to be, and whether or not toponymic actions and policies may have contributed to the conflict. By bringing this aspect of Karabakh’s history to light, I hope to show how the toponym, an important cultural symbol, plays a role in interethnic relations.