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Item Open Access Rentiership and Intellectual Monopoly in Contemporary Capitalism: Conceptual Challenges and Empirical Possibilities(2024) Baines, Joseph; Hager, Sandy BrianThe concepts of rentiership and intellectual monopoly have gained increased prominence in discussions about the transformation of global capitalism in recent years. However, there have been few if any attempts to construct measures for rentiership and intellectual monopoly using firm-level financial data. The absence of such work, we argue, is symptomatic of conceptual challenges in delineating what precisely qualifies as rent, intellectual or otherwise. In place of static conceptions of rent and intellectual monopoly, we develop a dynamic framework for analyzing the processes of rentierization and intellectual monopolization and apply this framework to the analysis of the transformation of non-financial firms in the United States since the 1950s. We find that the timing and intensity of rentierization and intellectual monopolization differs significantly across sector and firm size and is heavily mediated by the uneven ramifications of government policy across companies and industries. Overall, our framework illuminates the variegated landscape of corporate power in the US, and offers a useful guide for critically interrogating rentierization and intellectual monopolization in other contexts.Item Open Access The Road to Gaza, Part II: The Capitalization of Everything(2024) Bichler, Shimshon; Nitzan, JonathanOur recent article on ‘The Road to Gaza’ examined the history of the three supreme-God churches and the growing role of their militias in armed conflicts and wars around the world. The present paper situates these militia wars in the broader vista of the capitalist mode of power. Focusing specifically on the Middle East, we show the impact these militia wars have on relative oil prices and differential oil profits and explain how the wars themselves, those who stir them and the subjects that fight them all get discounted into capitalized power.Item Open Access Ontology of Finance Redux(2017) Breitling, Dustin“Ontology of Finance Redux” is an abridged version of Suhail Malik’s long essay “The Ontology of Finance: Price, Power, and the Arkhéderivative” published in Collapse Volume VIII Edited by Robin Mackay. Interweaving the works of Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler, Elena Esposito and Elie Ayache, Malik provides a tour de force critique of the critique of political economy to demand an engagement with the byzantine operation of finance. The essay is an examination of the array of derivative tools and their constitutive role in hedging and speculating futures. It explains how the organizing element of ‘Capitalization’ via price renders all conceptions of temporality as a revisable, adaptable, and ultimately contingent operation. Malik’s philosophical assertion is that the traditional notions of social order and norms have always been subject to perpetual restructuring. ‘Risk-Order’as the primary ingredient of ‘capital-power’ poses a tremendous challenge not only for Marxist and neoclassic political economy but also for Left-Accelerationaism and its underlying neorational philosophies.Item Open Access Making America Great Again, 2024(2024) Bichler, Shimshon; Nitzan, JonathanIn 2019, we published a RWER paper assessing Trump’s promise to ‘Make America Great Again’. Here are updates of two key charts from this paper.Item Open Access הדרך לעזה: על משטרי הכוח וכנסיות האל העליון היחיד (The Road to Gaza: On Modes of Power and Supreme-God Churches)(2024) Nitzan, Jonathan; Bichler, Shimshonמלחמת הקודש המתנהלת בין המיליציות הרבניות לבין המיליציות האיסלמיות הינה מסוג חדש. אבל הדרך למלחמה בעזה נסללה עוד לפני כששת אלפים שנה, בעת שקמו לראשונה משטרי המלוכה-כהונה במסופוטמיה. אוליגרכיות אלה היו הראשונות שיצקו תשלובת חזקה של מלך עריץ בארמון וכוהני אל-עליון במקדש. ילידי המזרח התיכון היו הראשונים בהיסטוריה האנושית שזכו בכבוד להתקיים כנתינים כנועים במשטרי המלוכה-כהונה. אין פלא אפוא שמוצאן של שלוש כנסיות האל העליון היחיד – הכנסייה הרבנית, הנוצרית והאיסלמית – היה באזור זה. ככל שאופי-הכוח המדיני התמסד בקיסרויות המאוחרות יותר, באלף הראשון להולדת האל ישו – בביזנץ, באירופה ובמזרח התיכון – כך עלה והתמסד פולחן האל הריכוזי היחיד ונציגו המלך הארצי שכונה בשמות שונים (מלך, קיסר, צאר, ח'ליף, סולטן ועוד). המשטר הקפיטליסטי במאה ה-21 הוא בינתיים האחרון במשטרי הכוח שנכפו על החברה האנושית. בראשית דרכו, המיר הקפיטליזם את המשטר הישן של מלוכה-כהונה בדגם חדש של מדינה לאומית ("של כל אזרחיה"). הנתינים הכנועים זקפו עתה גבם והפכו לאזרחים חופשיים. הם החליפו את שכירי החרב המלוכנים כחיילים בחינם במטחנות הבשר של צבאות העם ולחמו במלחמות העולם של האימפריות החדשות. ההון הפך לאל הגדול במקומם של יהוה-ישו-אללה, אשר לא התאימו עוד ליחסי השליטה החדשים. את מקומם של כוהני הכנסייה הישנים ירשו כוהני האקדמיה וכנסיות הרציונליות בשירות שליטי ההון, ופולחן הקפיטליזציה הפך לאבן הכעבה של המאמינים החדשים. אלא שמאז שנות השמונים של המאה ה-20, הלך וגדל הקיטוב בין קבוצות ההון הדומיננטי לבין אנשי התחתית המתרבים ושכבות הביניים המצטמקות. המדינה הלאומית נמצאת מאז בתהליך פירוק ובמקומה צומחת מדינת ההון האוליגרכית. יחסי השליטה החדשים מבוססים על פולחני הניאו-ליברליזם והפוסטיזם, ומנגד על כנסיות אל עליון יחיד הישנות המעוצבות בלבוש חדש. מכאן מתחילות "מלחמות הדת" החדשות המנוהלות ברחבי העולם על ידי מיליציות בחסות ובמימון שליטי ההון הדומיננטי. בספרים קודמים עסקנו בתהליך המרכזי של הקפיטליזם העולמי, שהוא גם המנוע העיקרי המפעיל את המלחמות המחזוריות במזרח התיכון: רווחי קבוצות ההון הדומיננטיות. בעבר התמקדנו ברווחים הדיפרנציאליים של קואליציית הנפט-נשק ובעיקר בירידות המחזוריות ברווחים אלה המעוררות את המלחמות. ספר זה מדגיש את הצלע השלישית במשולש התאגידי-מדיני החבויה בתוככי אופי הכוח הקפיטליסטי ומלחמותיו: כנסיות האל העליון היחיד. כותבי הספר, יהונתן ניצן ושמשון ביכלר, הם מרצים לכלכלה-פוליטית באוניברסיטאות ובמכללות בקנדה ובישראל. *** The book is available for purchase on Amazon and in independent Israeli bookstores.Item Open Access 30 Years to the AIC. A Speech at Beit Sahur(2013) Bichler, ShimshonThe following is the text of a presentation delivered by Dr. Shimshon Bichler at the 30-year celebration of the Alternative Information Center (AIC), on October 5, 2013. Dr. Bichler is a political economist and veteran member of the AIC Board of Directors.Item Open Access The Road to Gaza, Part II: The Capitalization of Everything(2024) Bichler, Shimshon; Nitzan, JonathanOur recent article on ‘The Road to Gaza’ examined the history of the three supreme-God churches and the growing role of their militias in armed conflicts and wars around the world. The present paper situates these militia wars in the broader vista of the capitalist mode of power. Focusing specifically on the Middle East, we show the impact these militia wars have on relative oil prices and differential oil profits and explain how the wars themselves, those who stir them and the subjects that fight them all get discounted into capitalized power.Item Open Access The Road to Gaza(2024) Bichler, Shimshon; Nitzan, JonathanThe war that started in 2023 between Hamas and Israel is driven by various long-lasting processes, but it also brings to the fore a new cause that hitherto seemed marginal: the armed militias of the Rabbinate and Islamic churches. The Rabbinate militias, embodied in Jewish settler organizations, have taken over not only Palestinian lands, but, gradually, also Israeli society. The Islamic militias, represented by Hamas and the Islamic Jihad, rose to prominence after the traditional resistance groups of the Palestinians – primarily the PLO and the PFLP and, by extension, also the Palestinian Authority – weakened and proved unable to reverse, let alone stop, the Israeli occupation. The rise of these militias, though, is hardly unique to Israel/Palestine, or even the Middle East. It is part of a broader, global process, in which ‘private’ military organizations, financed by states, church-related NGOs and/or organized crime, fight for and against states as well as each other. The ascent of such groups is closely related to the decline of the nation-state and its popular armies, a model that developed in the wake of the French Revolution but no longer resonates with the increasingly globalized nature of capital accumulation. Our previous studies of Middle East wars emphasized the ‘state of capital’ – our notion that the capitalist mode of power fuses state and capital into a single logic in which dominant capital groups are driven by the power quest for differential accumulation. We showed that, in the Middle East, this logic was imposed by a Weapondollar-Petrodollar Coalition of large oil and armament corporations, OPEC, financial institutions and construction firms, whose differential incomes and profits were tightly correlated with – and helped predict – the cyclical eruption of ‘energy conflicts’. But this mode of power comprises not two elements, but three. In addition to state and capital, it also includes the supreme-God churches, and in this paper we outline the role of these churches and their militias in capitalism generally and in Middle East wars specifically.Item Open Access Rethinking the Political Economy of Environmental Conflict: Lessons from the UK Fracking Controversy(2023) Marshall, Adam P.As governments and corporations have intensified their efforts to locate, extract, and capitalise oil, gas, and various other biophysical materials, the world has simultaneously witnessed a proliferation of social resistance to these efforts. While taking many forms, such resistance, and concomitant ecological distribution conflicts (EDCs), are invariably motivated by a diverse range of objections regarding the unequal distributions of power, harms, and benefits associated with these extractive endeavours. This thesis primarily addresses the EDC literature, an environmental justice activist orientated literature at the intersection of ecological economics and political ecology. Despite offering numerous insights regarding the socio-metabolic drivers of EDCs, this literature often tends towards problematic explanations regarding the role of capitalist power. Thus, while these explanations foreground questions of capitalist power, their core assumptions - especially the analytical distinction between ‘the political’ and ‘the economic’- serve to elide key aspects of capitalist power within this context. Moreover, they also tend to obscure an important counterpart to capitalist power of special relevance to the activists who mobilise for environmental justice within EDCs; namely, capitalist vulnerability. Consequently, this thesis enfolds existing EDC insights within a broader theoretical framework underpinned by the Capital as Power (CasP) approach to political economy. CasP’s overarching contribution is to enable researchers to map how intra-capitalist conflicts unfold through the reorganisation of social ecological relations. Mobilising this framework, and a unique combination of qualitative and quantitative methods in the context of the UK fracking conflict (2010-2020), this thesis aims to explore, understand, and explain capitalist power and vulnerability in fracking conflicts (specifically) and EDCs (generally). Alongside other key findings, the inherent uncertainty surrounding future earnings and the divergent interests of competing capitalist coalitions are identified as key sources of capitalist vulnerability that environmental justice activists can exploit within EDCs. These findings highlight the analytical benefits of a CasP-driven theoretical framework for elucidating capitalist power and vulnerability in fracking conflicts and EDCs, not only for activists and academics, but also for policy makers, businesses, and other advocates for just transformations towards sustainability.Item Open Access A Tour of the Jevons Paradox: How Energy Efficiency Backfires(2024) Fix, BlairWhen it comes to our sustainability problems, striving for greater resource efficiency seems like an obvious solution. For example, if you buy a new car that’s twice as efficient as your old one, it should cut your gasoline use in half. And if your new computer is four times more efficient than your last one, it should cut your computer’s electric bill fourfold. In short, boosting efficiency seems like a straightforward way to reduce your use of natural resources. And for you personally, efficiency gains may do exactly that. But collectively, efficiency seems to have the opposite effect As technology gets more efficient, we tend to consume more resources. This backfire effect is known as the ‘Jevons paradox’, and it occurs for a simple reason. At a social level, efficiency is not a tool for conservation; it’s a catalyst for technological sprawl.1 Here’s how it works. As technology gets more efficient, it cheapens the service that it provides. And when services get cheaper, we tend to use more of them. Hence, efficiency ends up catalyzing greater consumption. Take the evolution of computers as an example. The first computers were room-sized machines that gulped power while doing snail-paced calculations. In contrast, modern computers deliver about a trillion times more computation for the same energy input. Now, in principle, we could have taken this trillion-fold efficiency improvement and reduced our computational energy budget by the same amount. But we didn’t. Instead, we took these efficiency gains and invested them in technological sprawl. We took more efficient computer chips and put them in everything — phones, TVs, cars, fridges, light bulbs, toasters … not to mention data centers. So rather than spur conservation, more efficient computers catalyzed the consumption of more energy. In this regard, computers are not alone. As you’ll see, efficiency backfire seems to be the rule rather than the exception. Far from delivering a cure for our sustainability woes, efficiency gains appear to be a root driver of the over-consumption disease.Item Open Access Key points on Bichler/Nitzan’s text “Capital as Power”(2024) Szepanski, AchimFROM THE ARTICLE: At first glance, it would appear that Deleuze’s concept of structure involves a complex form of so-called creorder, a term that appears at the forefront of the methodological findings of the economists Bichler/Nitzan. If the structure is actualized in each of its moments in processes, then Bichler/Nitzan describe this process with the term “creorder”. They consider this to be a highly artificial term, which is intended to indicate that a structure/order must constantly construct and reconstruct itself in (historical) time, just as a form must constantly transform itself. According to Bichler/Nitzan, in the context of creorder, the meaning of the relationship between Heraclitean becoming and Parmenidean being lies precisely in the fact that the fusion of verb and noun results in the term “creorder”: “To have a history is to create order – a verb and a noun whose fusion yields the verb-noun creorder.” On the one hand, the so-called creorder may be completely vertically or hierarchically ordered, as is the case in ultra-bureaucratic systems, for example; on the other hand, it may also be horizontal, as could be the case in radical democracies, or it may be in between order and disorder.Item Open Access ההון ושברו (Capital and its Crisis)(2022) Nitzan, Jonathan; Bichler, Shimshonהקפיטליזם שולט בעולם. דיונים סוערים מתנהלים בין המלומדים הממסדיים לבין "הביקורתיים" על טיבו של הקפיטליזם הגלובלי. הבעיה היא שטיבו של המוסד המרכזי בקפיטליזם -- ההון -- אינו ידוע. לאחר יותר ממאתיים שנה של התפתחות קפיטליסטית נמרצת לא קיימת תיאוריית הון הגיונית אמפירית -- לא במדע הכלכלה, לא בכלכלה הפוליטית המרקסיסטית ולא במדעי החברה בכלל, בין אם הם פוזיטיביסטיים או ביקורתיים, בין אם הם מודרניים או פוסטיסטיים הדבר בולט בעת משברי הון. אז נחשפת אוזלת ידם של המומחים והמנהלים האמונים על רזי ההון, ולעתים, ברגעי חרדה, הם אף מתוודים כי אין הם מבינים לא את טיבו של ההון ולא את משבריו. וכאשר מונפים דגלי המחאה והמפגינים יוצאים בזעם אל הרחובות, מתברר שאין להם תוכנית אלטרנטיבית. אין הם מבינים את מהותו של ההון ואת תוצאותיו הספר מציג דרך חדשה להבנת ההון ומשבריו המחזוריים. ההון אינו עצם מטריאלי ואף לא תהליך ייצור כלכלי. הוא אינו הצבר של אמצעי ייצור או מלאי של ציוד וטכנולוגיה, אלא מוסד מרכזי של יחסי שליטה, המאפשר בין השאר לשלוט בקווי הייצור, במלאי הסחורות ובעבודה השכירה. ההון הוא סימבול פיננסי של יחסי כוח מאורגנים הפרושים ברשת היררכית, ובמרכזם ניצבות קבוצות ההון הדומיננטי ,אותן תשלובות תאגידיות-מדיניות. אלה כפויות לחלק-מחדש את יחסי הכוח לטובתן מול ההתנגדות ההולכת וגוברת, ובצירוף היחסים נוצר משבר ההון. משטר ההון (הקפיטליזם) הוא אופי-כוח מסוג חדש יחסית בהיסטוריה של המין האנושי -- משטר שהתמסד במאות האחרונות והלך והתגבש מחדש לאורך שבעת משברי ההון שהתחוללו מאז תחילת המאה התשע–עשרה הספר כתוב בשפה תמציתית פשוטה, ללא ערפל אקדמי, ואינו דורש מן הקוראים ידע מוקדם, "כלכלי", מתמטי, או אקדמי. הוא אינו מסתפק בסיסמאות ובהכרזות. הוא מציג לא רק היסטוריה ביקורתית, אם לא קטלנית, של תיאוריות ההון המרכזיות המקובלות, האקדמיות והרדיקליות, אלא גם תיאוריות ומודלים כמותיים אלטרנטיביים של ההון ומשברי ההון אשר יוכלו לשמש את הרוצים בדרך רדיקלית חדשה להריסת משטר ההון ולהחלפתו במשטר אנושי כותבי הספר, יהונתן ניצן ושמשון ביכלר, הם מרצים בכלכלה פוליטית באוניברסיטאות ובמכללות בקנדה ובישראלItem Open Access Stocking Up on Wealth . . . Concentration(2024) Fix, BlairIt turns out that like the rest of us, billionaires experience wealth inequality. (Individuals who top the Forbes billionaire list are far richer than those at the bottom of the list.) Interestingly, this billionaire wealth concentration fluctuates over time … in tight correlation with the movement of the stock market. Why? A plausible reason — explored here – is that stock indexes like the S&P 500 are unwitting indicators of corporate concentration. And corporate concentration, in turn, seems to drive the concentration of individual wealth.Item Open Access Is Bitcoin More Energy Intensive Than Mainstream Finance?(2024) Fix, BlairWhen it comes to Bitcoin, there’s one thing that almost everyone agrees on: the network sucks up a tremendous amount of energy. But from there, disagreement is the rule. For critics, Bitcoin’s thirst for energy is self-evidently bad — the equivalent of pouring gasoline in a hole and setting it on fire. But for Bitcoin advocates, the network’s energy gluttony is the necessary price of having a secure digital currency. When judging Bitcoin’s energy demands, the advocates continue, keep in mind that mainstream finance is itself no model of efficiency. Here, I think the advocates have a point. If you want to argue that Bitcoin is an energy hog, you’ve got to do more than just point at its energy budget and say ‘bad’. You’ve got to show that this budget is worse than mainstream finance. On this comparison front, there seems to be a vacuum of good information. For their part, crypto promoters are happy to show that Bitcoin uses less energy than the global banking system. But this result is as unsurprising as it is meaningless. Compared to Bitcoin, global finance operates on a vastly larger scale. So of course it uses more energy. To be meaningful, any comparison between Bitcoin and mainstream finance must account for the different scales of the two systems. So instead of looking at energy alone, we need to look at energy intensity — the energy per unit of circulating currency. That’s what I’ll do here. In this post, I compare the energy intensity of Bitcoin to the energy intensity of mainstream US finance. Which system comes out on top? The results may surprise you.Item Open Access Follow the Money: The Political Economy of Petrodollar Accumulation and Recycling(2023) Noble, LeonieThis thesis makes two unique contributions to the International Political Economy literature. It presents the first comprehensive, empirical investigation of petrodollar accumulation and recycling spanning the period 1980-2021. It also corrects the misconception that petrodollar recycling in the 1970s and 1980s involved the extension of loans to developing countries using fractional reserve banking and argues that these loans were the extension of created credit. Petrodollars garnered significant academic attention in the 1970s and 1980s when increased oil prices led to large influxes of petrodollars to oil-exporting states and widespread deficits and stagflation in oil-importing states. The recycling of these petrodollars led to increased militarisation in oil-exporting states, as well as increased national debts in oil-importing states which precipitated the developing world’s debt crisis. Between 1999 and 2021, oil prices have hit peaks higher than those reached in the 1970s and this has resulted in a similar transfer of petrodollars. This thesis uses a quantitative and qualitative methodology to explore the key role of petrodollars in the current global political economy, and to illustrate the impact they are likely to have in the future as resources deplete. Over the period 2004-2021, petrodollar accumulation averaged $1.27 trillion annually, with approximately 54.6 percent of this accumulated by the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries. These petrodollars predominantly flow back into the global economy through one of two channels: economic, through increased imports and domestic expenditure; or financial, through foreign investments and the purchase of foreign exchange reserves. These recycling methods will have lasting implications as they impact on which oil-importers’ deficits are financed and which are not, and which businesses/industries are funded and which are not. The significance of petrodollar accumulation and recycling is likely to further increase in the future. While advances are being made in alternative energy, oil’s unique characteristics and its embeddedness in the petrochemical, agriculture, and transportation sectors make it invaluable in a petro-market civilisation which is dependent upon transnational supply chains and large-scale agriculture. This makes it likely that high oil-consumption rates will continue, as will petrodollar accumulation, until we reach depletion. *** Posted with the author's permission ***Item Open Access Degrowth and Capitalist Power: A Step Towards a Theory of Change(2024) Vastenaekels, JulienThis article explores the relationship between degrowth and the theory of Capital as Power (CasP), aiming to understand how socio-ecological transformations can unfold against capitalist power dynamics. While degrowth scholars have largely overlooked this perspective on capital, CasP argues that capitalism is primarily a mode of power, with capitalisation quantifying power – the confidence in in – the ability to shape society against opposition. Key CasP concepts are brought into dialogue with degrowth research to identify potential implications and offer a step towards a theory of change for degrowth. The article first outlines the CasP perspective, including its notion of power, the process of capitalisation and the conflictual nature of capital accumulation, and highlights links with degrowth research. It then looks at the elements underlying the valuation of capital as power and how they provide entry points for degrowth transformations. The role of dominant capital groups and the concept of “sabotage” in exercising power over society are then addressed. As such, degrowth transformations must challenge the confidence of dominant capital groups in their ability to rule, as these groups inhibit possibilities for socio-ecological change. This dynamic, summarised in a conceptual diagram, provides a first step towards a theory of change for degrowth in the face of capital accumulation. Finally, the conclusion offers potential directions for further research.Item Open Access Правда об инфляции (The Truth About Inflation)(2024) Fix, BlairОт редакции: среди всего набора макроэкономических тем, текущие показатели инфляции — одна из самых популярных и часто обсуждаемых. Аргументы сторонников режима жёсткого инфляционного таргетирования хорошо известны, равно как и возражения противников подобного подхода. Не касаясь их содержания, этой статьёй мы хотим привлечь внимание российской аудитории к самому подходу измерения инфляции. Как следует из представленного текста, определение уровня инфляции на практике сталкивается с теми же проблемами, что несут и прочие “средние”, “общие”, “агрегированные” показатели. Это делает актуальным вопрос о внедрении секторального, адресного подхода в управлении ценовой динамикой — что касается как фискальных мер, так и ДКП. *** Милтона Фридмана нет в живых уже более десяти лет, но его призрак всё ещё преследует нас. В 1960-х годах Фридман заявил, что инфляция "всегда и везде является денежным явлением" — проблемой печатания слишком большого количества денег. С тех пор всякий раз, когда инфляция дает о себе знать, вы можете рассчитывать на то, что кто-нибудь оживит призрак Фридмана и обвинит правительство в том, что оно слишком много тратит. Если бы только инфляция была такой простой. Как и многое в экономической теории, мысли Фридмана на первый взгляд кажутся правдоподобными. Инфляция — это общий рост цен. А поскольку цены — это ничто иное, как результат обмена (благ) на деньги, то больше денег в обращении означает, что цены должны расти. Следовательно, инфляция "всегда и везде является денежным явлением". К сожалению, при дальнейшем рассмотрении эта мысль рассыпается. Проблема в том, что она рассматривает инфляцию как равномерный рост цен. Теоретически это удобно, но эмпирически неверно. В реальном мире темпы инфляции сильно разнятся. В то время, когда цена на яблоки повышается на 5%, цены на автомобили могут вырасти на 50%, а цены на одежду — упасть на 20%. Чтобы понять реально существующую инфляцию, нужно обратиться не к учебникам по экономике, а к реальным данным. Именно этим занимался политэкономист Джонатан Ницан во время своего докторского исследования в начале 1990-х годов. Его работа вылилась в диссертацию под названием "Инфляция как реструктуризация". В реальном мире, заметил Ницан, изменение цен всегда "дифференцированно", что означает наличие победителей и проигравших. Как следствие, инфляция не является чисто "денежным явлением", вопреки заявлениям Фридмана. Инфляция перестраивает социальный порядок. Именно эта особенность инфляции в реальном мире является наиболее важной, поскольку она означает, что инфляция сигнализирует об изменении структуры власти в обществе. Предсказуемо, что именно эту особенность реального мира игнорируют мейнстримные экономисты — в основном потому, что она противоречит их стройной теории инфляции как "денежного явления". К счастью, доказательства очевидны. Инфляция является (и всегда была) в подавляющем большинстве случаев дифференциальной. Инфляция — это перестройка [экономики]. Сегодня, когда инфляционные страхи возвращаются и призрак Фридмана воскресает, стоит напомнить себе о реальных фактах.Item Open Access Degrowth and Capital: Assembling a Power-Centred Theory of Change(2023) Vastenaekels, JulienIn the context of contemporary socio-environmental shifts, the concept of “degrowth” advocates for transforming societies to ensure environmental justice and a well-being for all within planetary boundaries. This PhD thesis, positioned within degrowth studies, provides a processual, holistic and interdisciplinary exploration of the dynamics between degrowth transformations and capital accumulation, understood as an all-encompassing power process. I start by critically exploring the role of capital accumulation in the unfolding of degrowth transformations, highlighting some shortcomings of conventional views that predominantly see capital accumulation as a primarily production-oriented process. While, historically, the degrowth project has opposed economism, these perspectives tend to overlook the deep intertwinement between economics and politics in the intersection between degrowth transformations and capital accumulation. This thesis then considers the theory of “Capital as Power” (CasP), which dissolves the boundaries between economics and politics in the study of capital. Key implications of CasP for the unfolding of degrowth transformations are highlighted. Through this lens, I identify four distinct elements of dynamics, each represented as a causal loop diagram (CLD), capturing the complex relationship between degrowth transformations and the power processes of capital accumulation. Using insights from Social Practice Theory (SPT), I further investigate how degrowth-aligned practices, reforms, and ruptures may be inhibited by “strategic sabotage” processes that bolster capital accumulation, conceptualising four modes of sabotage, set into motion through two additional elements of dynamics. These six elements of dynamics are then assembled into a single CLD, which is used to explore four scenarios for the unfolding or marginalisation of degrowth transformations against the process of capital accumulation. In short, as the journey progresses, this thesis assembles a power-centred theory of change for degrowth against the process of capital accumulation. It emphasises the importance of understanding and navigating these power dynamics for those willing to move towards a degrowth society.Item Open Access The Mismatch Thesis. Fiction and Reality in the Accumulation of Capital(2023) Bichler, Shimshon; Nitzan, JonathanPolitical economists, both mainstream and Marxist, find it difficult to reconcile the «real» and «financial» appearances of capital. The conventional view is that «real» capital is an objective productive entity; that «finance» merely reflects this reality; and that, unfortunately, the reflection is often inaccurate, causing the two to «mismatch». This convention, we argue, is baseless if not fraudulent. First, although economists know full well that «real» capital, comprising different capital goods, cannot have a unique objective quantity – they measure this pseudo quantity anyway, arbitrarily. Second, when they realize that their arbitrary measure of «real» capital differs greatly from the corresponding magnitude of finance, they blame the deviation on invisible fluctuations in intangible capital, investor irrationality and market imperfections. And third, they insist that «real» accumulation drives «financial» accumulation, even though their own measures show that the two processes move in opposite directions!Item Open Access Unhealthy Profits(2023) Mouré, Christopher; Gorsky, ShaiFROM THE ARTICLE: At the end of November 2023, the New York Times published an editorial: Why Are Nonprofit Hospitals Focused More on Dollars Than Patients? It is certainly a valid question. Most people might assume that not-for-profit (NFP) organisations focus on providing a public benefit rather than profit. At most, common wisdom suggests that any income derived from providing a service should be reinvested into expanding or improving the service. There is no obvious reason why a NFP should accumulate large profits over years. Yet in the NFP world of large US hospitals, profit, rather than public purpose, seems to have become the guiding light.